Obama Says Do More (Like India Does)

Obama’s in New Delhi and he chose, like David Cameron, to use that precise platform to urge Pakistan to, you guessed it, do more.

Islamabad was making progress against what he called the ‘cancer’ of extremism but not quickly enough. “Progress is not as quick as we would like,” he added.

Please note that he also said that US would not do more.

Obama made it clear that the US would not ‘impose’ itself on Indo-Pak relations.

(which is double-speak for: Don’t Ask Nothing About Kashmir)

 

Fair enough, Mr President Sir, I’ll step right on it.

 

Source: This newspaper and This man.

 


An Open Letter To George Fulton

Written by Arsalan Khan and seconded by me.

•••••

Dear George,
After reading the rejoinder to your original op-ed titled “Don’t act surprised” in the Express Tribune, it has become obvious to me that you are a little confused about why people are incensed by your obvious bigotry. Those that condemned you for being a racist and a bigot were not responding out of a “knee-jerk” or “designer” (whatever that means) patriotism that blinds them to the realities of Pakistan. Nobody doubts that violence has become a pervasive fact in Pakistani life, and we know that there are plenty of people that justify violence under certain circumstances and especially against certain kinds of people. We believe that there is a need to scrutinize the underlying factors that generate such violence and examine why some forms of violence have become defensible for so many people in Pakistan. Unfortunately, your argument has not advanced our search for answers in the least bit. We found your article offensive not because we feel we need to suppress the “truth” from ourselves or hide it from our enemies but because of the way your argument reduced our complex problems to an essential and seemingly inevitable aspect of “our” culture. The rejoinder makes more or less the same point that the original made with only a slight shift in language, but it is even more insulting because it tries to deflect legitimate criticism by portraying critics like myself as people driven by some kind of irrational and emotional patriotism. So, I would like to take this opportunity to provide you as well as your supporters with a basic outline of what we mean when we say your argument is racist. I do so only with the faint that you might refrain from spewing such inane bigotry in the future.

Let’s start with the basics. It is in fact racist to think that violence in a particular society, regardless of how pervasive, is a product of a savage and bloodthirsty “culture,” period. Saying that you did not mean “all” Pakistanis are violent and barbaric does not make it any less racist. The most obvious aspect of racism in your argument is that you have made a sweeping, negatively charged generalization and feel absolutely no need to specify who you are talking about or what it is about their culture that makes them so barbaric and violent. For all we know, the barbarians could be people that are actually engaged in violent activities, or it could mean all 170 million of us because we all share in this culture of barbarism and brutality, or it could mean most of us except the handful that have accepted “enlightened” values like yourself and those that agree with your shallow perspective on Pakistan. It’s really hard to know because you don’t say anything specific about this “culture” of “ours” nor do you provide any evidence except the fact that many people in Pakistan think Maula Jatt, a Punjabi film character, is entertaining. So, here’s the first point about racism. Racists make sweeping, negatively charged generalizations about people that are different from them, rarely being specific about who or what they are talking about, and support their efforts to stigmatize others with nothing more than anecdotal evidence.

Moreover, racist arguments are usually based on some form of circular logic like your claim that Pakistani culture is violent and we should not be surprised when a violent culture manifests itself in violent ways. According to you, the existence of violence proves that we have a violent culture and the fact that we have a violent culture explains the existence of violence. If you can’t see that this is a tautology, then you definitely should not be writing for a public audience. The point is that nothing you say tells us anything about why so much violence (which is not really one thing anyway) exists in Pakistan or what factors motivate such violence. Like most racist arguments, you rely on your audience to fill in this gaping hole with their own negative stereotypes, which fortunately for you many of your readers have in abundance. But, this always runs up against a basic problem, which is that the evidence suggests that most Pakistanis neither engage in violent activities nor condone them. The outpouring of grief across the country over the brutal murder of the young boys in Sialkot suggests that the majority of people in Pakistan are actually shocked and horrified by this incident. They are looking for some way to understand how such tragic events can happen. Shouldn’t this raise doubts about your conclusion that we have a barbaric and blood thirsty culture that revels in violence? It should, but it does not because if Pakistanis don’t live up to your stereotypes then it is not because there is a problem with the stereotype, it is because these Pakistanis must be “the exception” and not the rule. The people celebrating your “brilliance” in the comments section are clamoring to find a place as “the exception” in your world, but this has nothing to do with the strength of your argument. It has to do with the fact that they, like many colonized elites, are more concerned with distancing themselves from their fellow citizens than they are with questioning and critiquing power. So the second feature of racism helps structure your argument: racists systematically ignore the existence of evidence that runs counter to their stereotypes and relegate all evidence that does not conform to these stereotypes to the status of “the exception.”

Now, the reason your critics, the more thoughtful ones at least, were outraged by your article is not a product of some kind of knee-jerk patriotism that makes them blind to Pakistani realities. It is because of how you as a white man of British origins who recently acquired citizenship on a reality tv. show are situated relative to Pakistani society. People that say you should not be commenting on Pakistan because of your foreign origins or the odd manner in which you acquired Pakistani citizenship are missing the point. You have every right to comment on Pakistan. What you do not have a right to do is erase the historical and political realities of this country, realities that have been profoundly shaped by British colonialism and continue to be shaped by an exploitative world system dominated by Western powers like Britain and the United States. This erasure is most conspicuous when you mention the violence of Partition but fail to acknowledge the role of the British in creating the conditions for mass violence in which Muslims were as much victims as they were perpetrators. What is also conspicuously absent is any mention of the unimaginable level of human suffering in Pakistan. This suffering is a product not of some “culture” but of an exploitative, profit driven world system which inflicts a daily toll of violence (structural violence!) on the vast majority of people in the world (ex, poverty, inflation, unemployment, dire working conditions, health disparities, malnutrition, child mortality, ecological degradation etc). This incident in particular, a mob attack on two suspected thieves, should make you at least consider how factors like the break down of our civil and political institutions, unemployment, rising price levels, and host of others might contribute to the making of violence in Pakistan. It takes a very special (racist?) person to engage in such blatant forms of erasure, and this erasure is especially heinous in your case because, well, as someone who has benefited tremendously from the history of British colonialism and our current inequities, you should at least feel some sense of responsibility or at the very least empathy. This brings me to the third feature of racism in your article, which is that racists erase historical and political complexity in order to mask and/or justify their undeserved power and privilege.

The people that have focused their criticism on your foreign origins are simply pointing out that it is easy for you to condemn “our” barbaric culture because you can reasonably claim not to be a part of it. Those whose families have lived her for generations, those that have grown up in this country, and even those of us that have to deal with the stigma of being “Muslim” or “Pakistani” in the West do not have that luxury. Being Pakistani for us is not something we can opt in or out of, not even by acquiring foreign citizenship. Certainly the people who are being targeted by US and NATO bombs for being too Muslim or too Pakistani (barbarians!) do not have that luxury. And, did you forget that those drone attacks are also meant to eliminate violence and barbarism from the world? Anyone with half a brain can see that your use of the pronoun “we” masks some very real differences, and we know that when you talk about “our” barbaric culture, you really mean only those people that were raised to be violent and bloodthirsty, a category that obviously does not include you. Or, did you grow up aspiring to be Maula Jatt too? So, the use of the pronoun “we” actually functions in your piece as a way to deflect charges of racism and bigotry, not as a genuine expression of empathy. You are really talking about a “they” and what is most offensive about this is that “they” necessarily includes some of the people that suffer the most in our society. One has to wonder if the two boys that were brutally murdered in Sialkot or the many children that are registered in American and British newspapers as “collateral damage” are also a product of “our” barbaric culture, or maybe they are “the exception,” who knows. Here we have stumbled upon the fourth distinctive feature of racism, one that follows directly from the erasure of complexity to justify undeserved privilege, which is that racists shift blame away from themselves and place it onto those people who by any normal, non-racist standards would be considered victims.

As for the Pakistanis that are showering you with praise, they actually think a lot like you. They also believe that there is a pervasive culture of barbarism and violence in Pakistan that they neither contribute to nor participate in (after all, they are “the exception”), and like you they don’t really take responsibility for Pakistan’s problems. In their world, it is always someone else that’s the source of the problem (the “uneducated” masses, the mullahs, the pirs, the feudals, and the corrupt politicians). Pakistan’s problems are a product of some culture that lies elsewhere, usually among the poor and weak as opposed to in the halls of power and privilege. Those that took shots at you for being a white man who has been in Pakistan for no more than a few years are not really concerned about the colour of your skin or even your lack of experience in Pakistan. They are angry about the kind of argument you are making, a racist one that blames people for their own plight by systematically erasing the historical and political causes of this plight and making their circumstances seem like a natural, inevitable outgrowth of their “culture.” The fact that such arguments were once made in the service of British colonialism and continue to be made by American and British neocolonialists today should lead you to reflect on your own place in the world. That is, if you truly want to contribute to the cause of justice in your adopted society or in any society for that matter.

It is deeply troubling that instead of taking heed of these criticisms, you have tried to reverse the argument by accusing your critics of being the real racists. So, you have decided to play victim in the very moment that you are excoriating a population of over one hundred million (depending on how wide you cast your net) for being violent and barbaric. This brings us to the last point I want to make about racism. Racists possess a level of moral certainty about themselves and their own place in the world that usually comes from a life of power and privilege. This means that when their bigotry is challenged and exposed, they respond not by rethinking their perspective but by claiming to be the victims of an unfair, irrational assault on their character (Or, as you have put it, playing the man and not the ball!). This often leads them to wrongly believe that a critique of their racial attitude is itself racist and allows them to continue on as if nothing substantial was ever said.

George, I’m sure you are a well meaning person and not someone that imagines himself being a bigot or a racist, but it is precisely the well meaning bigots and racists that seem to do the most damage in the world. As Pakistanis and Muslims, we are subjected to racially motivated attacks emanating from the Western press on a daily basis, and we do not need more of it from people who have been granted a platform in our own media. What we want to see in the news and in opinion pieces are thoughtful and sincere efforts at finding explanations for the violence that threatens to overwhelm us, not simplistic drivel that blames some fictional thing like “our” culture and supports it with a reference to a Punjabi film character. Of course a thoughtful and sincere effort at finding answers requires not only serious intellectual labour but also moral courage because a true search for answers will necessarily implicate you, me, and all of the other privileged people that are reading your articles. You shouldn’t be surprised that so many of these people are willing to celebrate your “brilliance.” It keeps them from actually dealing with reality, and the reality is that we are complicit in this system of violence and much more so than some poor Punjabi farmer who grew up wanting to be Sultan Rahi. So, you are entitled to comment on Pakistan. Whether you are or are not really Pakistani doesn’t concern me. I just ask that the next time you do, you at least make some effort to address the conditions that generate such deplorable forms of violence and suffering rather than reach for the most simplistic and racist explanations for our collective, though very unevenly distributed, plight. Maybe then we can have a constructive conversation and begin to chart a path forward.

Sincerely,
Arsalan Khan

••••

[Emphasis in this letter is mine alone]


The New York Times Sincere Quest To Get Behind The Veil

Every time the New York Times does a story on the burqa, I’m in a frenzy of laughter and anger; burdened by an overall cringe-fest.

From associating the most liberated period for women in Afghanistan with the banning of the veil, to contrasting the burqa as the opposite of ‘normal‘ clothes (contrasting with universally normal stuff such as high heels and make-up, of course!), the language used once again reduces women in Afghanistan to fascinating objects up for public scrutiny, subjects of seemingly benevolent light-hearted humour, and sincere analysis to help further the understanding of well-intentioned but nescient and flabbergasted Western people.

It tries to come across as an earnest quest to uncover (pardon the pun) the truth behind why anyone would choose to dress up so hideously and uncomfortably. The assumption and reiteration that it the burqa is hideous and uncomfortable is not missing in any of these pieces obviously.

(I’m really tempted to write a story called getting behind, beneath, underneath or beyond the skirt, bikini or bra. Perhaps, I’ll go stay with a white woman in Europe for a few days (like this reporter did) to help me understand how in the world can any sane person wear really tiny clothes in freezing temperatures while dancing all night in monstrously high heels. Really, aren’t they fascinating in their discomfort?)

In a classic colonial tone, it is an attempt to get behind, beneath or beyond the veil (all three are actual NYT headlines). Here are some choice quotes produced by NYT yanks on the burqa:

  • Ms. Salik’s childhood witnessed one of the most liberated periods for women in Afghan history, when the communist government took over in 1978 and enforced equality, banned the burqa and mandated education for girls.
  • Mostly the burqas come off once inside the gate, and there are dressing rooms where many of the women change into normal clothes, putting on makeup and high heels.
  • Most of all, Ms. Salik would like to see a program that would take women on brief trips to other countries, perhaps for job training, but really, she said, just to see how women live in lands where there are no women’s gardens.
  • Her younger sister, Sarah, watched out the window as dust devils danced across the parking lot. “Oh, great,” she said, “I’m going to look like the flying nun.”
  • Before the shopping trip, they consulted by phone to make sure they didn’t wear the same color. “Otherwise, we start to look like a cult,” Sarah explained.
  • When Hebah yanked open the van’s door, the wind filled her loose-fitting garments like a sail. Her 6-year-old daughter, Khadijah Leseman, laughed.
  • Her 3-year-old son, Eesa Soliman, stayed close at her side, lost in the billowing fabric. Most people in the parking lot stopped to stare.
  • Two Hispanic children gasped and ran behind their mother. “Why are they dressed that way?” the girl asked her mother in Spanish. “Islam,” the woman said, also telling the child that the women were from Saudi Arabia.
  • The learning curve was steep; both sisters found they needed to carry straws for drinking in public, but eating was another story. Once Sarah forgot she was wearing a niqab and took a bite of an ice cream cone. “Humiliating,” she said, shaking her head.
  • Hidden under yards of cloth, they are the most visceral reminders of the differences between East and West, and an indisputable sign that Islam is weaving its way into American culture.
  • And, although the Muslim faith does not require women to cover their faces, all believe the niqab gave them a bit of extra credit in the eyes of God. “The more clothes you wear, the closer you are to God,” Ms. Muhammad said.
  • It does get hot under the jilbab, but as Sarah explained, it is “sort of like a self-contained air-conditioning unit that circulates cool air.”
  • Hebah has grown so used to her attire, she often forgets she has it on. “Sometimes I’ll pass a guy who’s looking at me, and I’m like ‘Is he checking me out?’” she said. “Then I’ll catch a glimpse of myself in a window and it’s like, ‘Uh, hello, Hebah — no.’ 

Sigh. I do believe dialogue on the burqa is an important conversation to have, especially if women who wear it themselves facilitate the discourse. It wouldn’t hurt NYT to take notes from how some other people write about the veil in the Muslim world.


Terrorism Is A Modern And Heterogeneous Phenomenon

Islamist terrorism, unfortunately for those who need an uncomplicated enemy to hate, is not a heterogeneous edifice run by similarly intentioned malevolent men wanting to take control of the world.  It is borne out of various ideas and histories and has roots in many parts of the world.

Olivier Roy uses two different ways to study terrorism. The first would be the vertical method wherein one can establish the genealogy of all kinds of radicalisation in the Quran and Islamic history and trace it to Islamist radicals today. This method does not take into account definitive roots of terrorism and subjectively distinguishes ‘Muslim’ violence from manifestations of violence. The second approach is horizontal and frames terrorism in the context of contemporary phenomena of violence affecting all modern societies.

The second approach is more productive in understanding Al Qaida as a movement unlike many other movements borne out of dissent. I find Roy’s use of the words modern and contemporary while talking about Islamist terrorism particularly intriguing and will dwell a bit more on that below.

The Islamist brand of terrorism is a modern manifestation of violence and dissent. I use the word modern deliberately and cautiously. I say it to contest the opinion that Islam, Islamist terrorism or Muslims are not modern and do not belong in the modern times, which would suggest that there is something barbaric, ancient or other worldly about them . I argue that terrorism is not only a modern phenomenon; it is specifically a product of our globalised, interconnected, ultra-modern zeitgeist.

Firstly, the word modern is technically defined by a particular point in time, in particular after the Age of Enlightenment and Age of Reason in Europe post-fifteenth century. Any idea or event that takes place after that point in time, be it Modern Art or birth of the internet, is necessarily a part of modernity. Because it is associated with the colonial Master’s domain and defined in the Master’s language, it is assumed that Europe has the patent to enlightenment and modernity, and that all others from the third world must only consume modernity defined by Europe. It is the most civilised of civilizations that is the purveyor of modern culture and all Others must adopt and follow suit.  If we, instead, take the formal definition, then all forms of Islamist terrorism have to be categorised as modern. It cannot be otherwise.

To quote Talal Asad:

In an important sense, tradition and modernity are not really two mutually exclusive states of a culture or society but different aspects of historicity. Many of the things that are thought of as modern belong to traditions which have their roots in Western history.

When people talk about liberalism as a tradition, they recognize that it is a tradition in which there are possibilities of argument, reformulation, and encounter with other traditions, that there is a possibility of addressing contemporary problems through the liberal tradition. So one thinks of liberalism as a tradition central to modernity. How is it that one has something that is a tradition but that is also central to modernity? Clearly, liberalism is not a mixture of the traditional and the modern. It is a tradition that defines one central aspect of Western modernity. It is no less modern by virtue of being a tradition than anything else is modern.

Such questions need to be worked through before we can decide meaningfully whether there are varieties of modernity and, if there is only one kind of modernity, then whether it is separable from Westernization or not.

Secondly, there are subjective connotations of the word ‘modern’ which may not define it so rigidly. Modern can be used interchangeably with ‘current’, ‘civilised’, ‘fashionable’, or even ‘up to date’.  Even if we do take these terms facetiously, we will find that there is nothing out-dated or old about Islamist terrorism.

To argue that Islamist terrorism is not civilised is an incomplete statement without further accepting that all forms of violent dissent are uncivilised and barbaric. It would be difficult to qualify a statement that says anti-imperialist, anti-state movements such as the Baader-Meinhof Group in Germany, the Red Army in Russia, the Maoists in India or even Che Guevara are modern conceptions while Islamist terrorism is not. While there are several distinctions among these, I argue that they are all forms of modern, violent dissent to the global status quo.

Lastly, it is dangerous to even think about Islamist terrorism as a blanket concept that can possibly define Al Qaida, the Taliban, Hamas, Hezbollah and countless other groups in a singular narrative. At the outset of this essay, I remarked that they are not homogeneous organizations producing one type of a terrorist. For example, there are marked differences between islamo-nationalist groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah that do not have any agenda outside their own political conflicts, and the global jihad of Al Qaeda that is not territorially defined.

To deal with the threat of Islamist terrorism, it would perhaps be more effective to think about it from a political perspective (a struggle for territorial control) instead of an ideological perspective (wide spread imposition of sharia law). I conclude with thoughts from Olivier Roy who says that “the process of radicalisation is to be understood by putting it into perspective with the other forms of violence among youth and any process of de-radicalisation should address youth populations, and not an elusive Muslim community, which is more constructed than real”.


Being Anti-War And Having A Plan To End Militancy

Liberal support for military operations, be it hesitant or apologetic in the case of civilian casualties, makes me angry. It becomes difficult, nay impossible, to carry the discourse forward once the argument reaches the “but what else is the alternative to wipe out the Taliban?” impassé. Within the Peoples’ Resistance community in Pakistan, there is of course no conclusive response to that rhetorical question even though many of us identify ourselves as being anti-war.

Imagine my surprise and delight when I came across an email by Adaner Usmani from the Peoples’ Resistance Google Group shared by Abira Ashfaq on a recent thread on Kayani’s apology for ‘collateral damage’. Adaner sent this email exactly a year ago in May 2009. A year later, it is still the most clear-headed response to pro-war, trigger-happy liberals. Many will dismiss it as being leftist, socialist, idealist wankery. Some, like myself, will applaud it. I hope it at least amuses everyone.

Without further ado, I reproduce Adaner’s email (with some necessary highlights and edits):

——

the notion that the military operation is a “practical” alternative beggars belief. how do you justify this claim–our PM sahib can make it in a television address dripping of choreographed patriotism, but surely you, a—– and f—–, see the holes in this hollywood narrative (drop our bombs and “whaddyaknow”, the bad guys are no more!)?

what evidence do you offer that will lead me to believe that bombs, artillery, and khakis will lead to a decline in “terror”? note that i am making this argument assuming that i ought to accept unreservedly the State’s definition of who these terrorists are. if i begin to dispute that definition, and start to argue that, really, our State has long allied itself with select tribal warlords in these areas that are hardly less mad or misogynistic than the “Taliban,” i think the burden of proof on the pro-war side becomes greater still, as it indicates that our State/Military has an interest in fighting certain forms of misogyny and extremism while patronizing others. (and then, on top of this, of course, there is the small matter of direct State terror).

in sum, what i am arguing is that neither of the two options you are asking civil society to choose between are solutions. in other words, both option (1) peace deal/ceasefire with non-representative mullahs, and option (2) military operation, promise to make the problem worse, not better. they may both deliver short-term benefits (unlikely), but the medium-to-long-term effects on the region and the country will be frightening.

….

at the same time, i don’t think we need to over-exaggerate the scale of the crisis that we face–perhaps i’m being too optimistic, but i don’t think that these insurgencies are dramatically different from, for example, the problem of the Maoists in India (who have a presence in roughly 1/3 of indian districts, don’t forget), the problem of paramilitaries in Colombia, or even the problem of street gangs in El Salvador, etc. the hard-on-terror approach will not work for any of them in any sustainable, holistic way, nor will it work for us. (do you think, for example, that Sri Lanka is really solving any of its problems, in any sustainable way, with this recent campaign against the LTTE?)

To mainstream feminists and other ‘liberals’: we are not about to fall to the Taliban. the problem of creeping fundamentalism in our cities, is distinct, sociologically, from the terrorism of the TTP and TNSM (this is why i object to WAF’s recent framing of the issue of the dramatic rise in misogyny as “talibanization”–it is unhelpful and analytically very lazy). bombs in Swat will do nothing to free women or minds in karachi.

————–

nonetheless–you want an alternative, so i will offer it to you. again, i don’t think that what i am putting forth is “practical,” simply because i don’t think that there are any “practical” solutions. progressive forces have very little claim on the State and the Army; they are not about to listen to us.

what’s very clear, nonetheless, is that all this demands an end to today’s military operation.

……….

my fantasy plan has 12 parts, presented in haphazard order. feel free to add.

  1. announce a radical land reform program (no compensation, no exceptions) effective immediately.
  2. announce an end to the political and State patronage of maliks, khans, walis, etc. in fact announce a program to confiscate the luxury assets of all elites, including our various royal families. re-distribute these equitably to those militants who agree to lay down arms, as well as to working-class people everywhere (i’m sure we can find more than enough for everyone.).
  3. announce the end of all research and development expenses in the army budget. end our nuclear program, dispose of our nuclear bombs. cut the rest of the military budget as drastically as is plausible (but raise salaries of sepahis). redistribute army bungalows, army lands, army hospitals, army companies to a transparent, democratic authority, which will decide how they will be further distributed. reform the army’s hierarchy. abolish the ISI.
  4. announce a comprehensive legal reform package that includes the decolonization of FATA (repeal of FCR, for example), protection of minorities and women. promulgate an order requiring all stalled cases to be heard and resolved within 6 months, across the country.
  5. propose a holistic anti-corruption policy (including raising of lower-level police salaries and aggressive prosecution of corrupt elites)
  6. rehabilitate our peasantry by crafting a policy aimed at achieving food sovereignty. if this requires aggressive subsidies and our fantasy gov’t is running out of money, fund the program with reparations the US will pay us for having implemented, historically, strategic and significant subsidies and tariffs in industry and agriculture (and/or for their murderous foreign policies, and/or for the ecological unsustainability of their development model. let them pick).
  7. announce an aggressive pro-poor pricing policy for all utilities. in other words, their “decommodification”–the more you use, the (much) more you pay. until the point that basic needs are met, though, they will be free.
  8. nationalize the madrassas, integrate them into a revamped public education system, ban private education; redistribute the assets of private schools to the public system. propose a plan to integrate education across classes, so the sons of bankers go to school with the sons of unemployed polio victims. convene a transparent committee (comprising especially of minorities and women) to draft a comprehensive new curriculum. (if you’re having trouble funding this, demand reparations from Britain for multiple decades of intentional underdevelopment and brutal colonial rule–remember to give a good chunk of this to bangladesh. officially beg forgiveness for 1971).
  9. convene an assembly radically more democratic than our parliament: (seats reserved for peasants, minorities, and workers) to write a new, minority-friendly, secular constitution.
  10. formulate an industrial policy that prioritizes the building of internal linkages within the space of the nation. with this announce the radical overhaul of trade union legislation in consultation with genuine working-class organizations. announce a living wage policy.
  11. announce a free/single-payer public health system. like with schools, expropriate the assets of all private health facilities and put private doctors to work in public clinics. desegregate the health system, focus on preventative care.
  12. announce a massive literacy campaign enlisting especially elite youth in a 6-month campaign, modeled on the cuban or nicaraguan experience.

———————-

i cannot go on any longer. it is too much fun, and i simply am setting myself up for disappointment when i wake up in the morning.

sincerely,
adaner


US Should Do More

….wait. what?

Biting the hand that feeds, are we now?


Left Of The Taliban

An excerpt from Madiha Tahir’s letter regarding a recent controversy on the Left involving former Guantanomo detainee and human rights activist, Moazzam Begg and head of Amnesty International’s gender unit, Gita Sahgal. The debate exposes a larger division on the Left about where it stands with respect to the global war. The post can be found here: http://progpak.wordpress.com/2010/03/14/left-of-the-taliban/

The larger issue, however, is this: why do our so-called allies constantly demand that we articulate our disavowal of the Taliban? Do they perhaps believe that in some deep dark religious corner of our lefty Pakistani hearts, we nurture a secret love for the ruthless brutish bearded circus called the Taliban? Why are we being constantly asked to prove our bona fides as secularists and as humanists (in the sense that we believe in the dignity of *all* humanity)? And that too by those who appear to have little qualms about retracting dignity from a man whose words and appearance unsettle us but who has done nothing – in terms of his actions – but run a girls’ school in Afghanistan and, now, defend the rights of precisely those that the American empire has reduced to ‘bare life.’

Now as attacks on ‘mainland’ Pakistan increase, the liberals have suddenly discovered their love of human rights (for certain humans), represented by a fear of the Taliban and a love of the army. These are the same liberal Pakistanis who have not cared enough to do anything about the far more insidious manner in which a public culture of religiosity has taken over in Pakistan except when it interferes with their narrow and decidedly elite preoccupations. After Swat, I spent a long evening in Islamabad with a Pakistani personality and other assorted liberals discussing the army attack on Swat and the Taliban threat. It was good and necessary, he said. We all knew the army had ties to the Taliban, so I asked him how it was that he expected the army to exterminate those it finds useful? He may not have trusted the army or the government in the past, but he trusted them now, he replied. He admitted that he could point to nothing that justified this change of heart, but yet somehow he ‘had faith.’ And that’s all the Pakistani Army requires: ‘faith, unity and discipline.’

Religious extremism was and is fed by the billions in arms sales and funding by the US to the Pakistani military as well as by the drone attacks, the incursions on Pakistani sovereignty, and the American-led reinforcement of the Pakistani army. Thus when we talk about the army, we are talking about the Taliban. When we talk about the imperial war, the drone attacks, the military funding, we are talking about the Taliban. All we are saying is stop focusing on the Taliban egg alone while the imperial hen runs out and lays a dozen more. Talking about the Taliban outside of the context of this history and this present context makes no sense. If there’s a cogent argument about why/how one can end the Taliban – indeed, religious militancy in Pakistan more generally – without dealing with the American imperium or its arm, the Pakistani military and its intelligence agencies, then please put it out here. But enough of the faith-based initiatives, and the requirement that those of us who are talking about imperialism must present our anti-Taliban credentials in order to be allowed into the club of true Lefties. It’s a silly and pointless game at this late stage when the American war is expanding into Pakistan.

in solidarity.


Counter Spin – No Shock Doctrine for Haiti


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