Shah Mahmood Qureshi Wants India To Do More (And Get Over It Already)

Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi on Tuesday said that India should move on from 26/11 in order to forge a better relationship with Pakistan.

In other words, stop asking us to do more.

“The climate here is beautiful. Don’t you want relations between India and Pakistan to be beautiful as well,” said Shah Mahmood Qureshi at the SAARC summit.


Creating A Chimera Of Muslim Terrorists In India

Ajit Sahi has travelled the length and breadth of India investigating the people locked up or killed for being terrorists – and witnessed the official line unravel.

The rest of the piece can be read here.

The loud chest-thumping by the Indian Government, its police and security agencies with regards to terrorism is based on shockingly little evidence. Of the string of terror attacks in India (outside the disputed region of Jammu and Kashmir) over the last few years, nearly all have been timer-based bombings. Only two major events have been physical attacks by gunmen: the December 2001 attack on the Indian Parliament and the November 2008 assault on five-star hotels in Mumbai. Outside the state of Kashmir, there hasn’t been one suicide bombing, a major surprise because Islamist extremists have been prone to strap bombs on themselves, everywhere from Iraq to Afghanistan to Pakistan. The bombings themselves have almost always been in middle-class markets, or Government hospitals, rather than on high-profile places such as the offices of security agencies, or on police headquarters, as is often seen elsewhere.

Many commentators have now begun to wonder if the police aren’t creating a chimera of Indian Muslims turning to terrorism by the droves. In 2008, police in the western Indian state of Maharashtra arrested members of a little-known fascist Hindu outfit who had allegedly sworn to target Indian Muslims as a counter-attack on the ‘terrorists’. (India’s religious majority of Hindus constitute 80 per cent of its 1.1 billion people.) Several independent citizens’ inquiries have concluded that another infamous ‘encounter’ of two Muslims, one of them a teenager, carried out by police in a Muslim neighbourhood of New Delhi on 19 September 2008 was fake, and that the duo killed were not terrorists.

The story continues endlessly. On 16 August this year, a day after India, the world’s largest democracy, celebrated the 62nd anniversary of its Independence, I sat opposite Ghulam Akbar Khotal in his lawyer’s small room in a multi-storeyed neighbourhood of downtown Mumbai. Khotal, 39, owns a catering business with his brothers in a township named Kalyan near Mumbai. The only one of his siblings never to have gone to school, Khotal sports the devout Muslim’s flowing beard, but dresses nattily in a striped full-sleeved shirt and dark blue trousers. His mien relaxed, he chats freely, although in a low tone, smiles much, sometimes grins, and doesn’t reflect any of the anger that by rights should burn him up, given what the Indian State has subjected him to since September 2001.

Khotal had been released on bail only a month before I met him, after more than three years in prison. Before this incarceration, he had spent another two years behind bars, the two jail terms separated by only a few months of freedom. Khotal’s alleged crime is conspiring to and carrying out bombings in Mumbai. The evidence against him is non-existent. And yet the courts repeatedly denied him bail and refused to entertain his pleas that the police were brutally torturing him to force him to ‘confess’ to a crime he said he hadn’t committed. In this way, in yet another case of counterterrorism, the Indian judiciary meekly fell in line with the Indian State and failed to secure justice for a bona fide Indian citizen. So what was Khotal’s true crime? He had once been a member of SIMI. Over the last eight years, the police have failed to establish a single charge against him.

Having met hundreds of innocent fellow Indians who have suffered Khotal’s fate because they are Muslim, I shudder and wonder: is it likely that the Indian Government’s fantasy about Muslim terrorists could one day become self-fulfilling?


Ajit Sahi is Editor-at-large with Tehelka magazine (www.tehelka.com).


This Valentine’s Day Send A Chaddi To JUI

The Senate in Pakistan passed the Workplace Harassment Bill against sexual harassment at the workplace with support from all major political parties. The religious parties, however, declared they need workplace safety from sexual harassment like they need a hole in their heads. Ergo, JUI Senators Mohammad Khan Shirani, Ghafoor Haideri, Gul Naseeb Khan, JI Senator Prof Ibrahim and Senator Prof Sajid Mir promptly objected to the bill. They said that the new the amendment in the bill was a “violation of the fundamental norms of Islam and the constitution”, and would “promote vulgarity among women”. They’re not referring to your average run-of-the-mill pious woman in Pakistan.  Senator Ghafoor Haideri would like to specify that the amendment would “further pave way for NGO employees to promote vulgarity”. I mean, of course.

When the going gets tough, the tough get vulgar. There’s only one thing left to do for activist women in Pakistan: follow the footsteps of our sisters in India who sent thousands of pink panties to the right-wing Hindu nationalist Shri Ram Sena last year on Valentine’s Day.

Show some love.

On this upcoming Valentine’s Day, I propose that we buy every second-hand chaddies we can get our hands on at the local Sunday bazaar in Karachi and send them off to Senator Ghafoor Haideri and his pals at JUI.

Show them NGO women vulgarity is something to be very, very scared of. Show some love.


Aurat Ne Janam Diya MardoN Ko – Saahir Ludhianvi


India’s Punjab Bears The Brunt Of ‘Secularism’

Excerpts from Tom Singh’s article “The massacre you’ve never heard of” published in the Ceasefire magazine. Buy your copy today at http://ceasefiremagazine.co.uk/order/ceasefire-magazine/ceasefire-summer-2009/

Sikhism, the fifth largest religion in the world, originates from the Punjab region in the north of India. One of the youngest mainstream religions it has faced oppression ever since its incepton in the seventeenth century, most recently at the hands of the Indian government.

Sikhs originally asked for an independent state in 1947, hoping to go back to their ‘golden era’ of self-rule under Maharaja Ranjit Singh. In return, they received a feeble promise from M. K. Gandhi:  “I ask you to accept my word… and the resolution of the Congress that it will not betray a single individual, much less a community… Our Sikh friends have no reason to fear that it would betray them.”

Over the next thirty-five years, the Indian government engaged in what can only be referred to as a systematic attack on Punjab and the majority Sikh population that resides within it. Economic attacks were launched upon ‘the land of the five rivers’ with electricity, water and financial investment being heavily diverted to other states. Farmers in Punjab, who are predominantly Sikh, were the hardest hit, with ceilings placed on crop prices and heavy taxes imposed. Punjab subsequently went form one of the most well off states pre-partition to one of the poorest by 1980.

[In response to the resistance movement spearheaded by Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale] Indira Gandhi, then Prime Minister, in 1984 set about planning ‘Operation Bluestar’. The aim was to eradicate, with massive force, the Sikh resistance movement.

Operation Bluestar coincided with the anniversary of martyrdom of Guru Arjun Devji, an important date in the Sikh calendar, and thousands of pilgrims were trapped inside the temple complex when the operation began. The government cordoned off the complex, placing a media and communications blackout on Punjab and imposing a total curfew. The onslaught of the temple started at 4 a.m. the next day – without warning according to eyewitness accounts. The Indian army used 25 pound rockers and 105 mm rounds fired through Vijayanta tanks and mortars.

Much of the temple was destroyed, with the Akal Takht (the holiest of the five towers encompassing the complex) being almost flattened. Many of the scriptures kept in the temple’s library, including those in the Guru’s original hand writing, were lost forever.


Memories of Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan

I was 10 years old when Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan passed away on August 16, 1997. Later than week I was reading the Quran under my maulvi saheb’s supervision, a regular feature of my life for a good decade. My maulvi was a mild-mannered, kind man who took special interest in our religious education. This particular week he wanted to know if I knew Nusrat’s music. I shrugged. I liked that song in Aishwariya Rai and Bobby Deol’s movie that he’d sung. Just as much as any other kid consuming copious amounts of Bollywood I suppose. Maulvi saheb, bless him, praised Nusrat’s music for a few seconds and told me that his music was a great gift to our country. Then in a typical contradictory fashion he warned me off the terrible snakes and leeches that awaited him in his grave because Nusrat had sinned greatly. He had indulged in music and the punishment for that would be horrible things eating his vocal cords till the Day of Judgment. He said Nusrat will pay the price for the vice he spread. I remember being so upset about it.

I hated how hypocritical it sounded and didn’t understand why the punishment would be so cruel if all he did was ‘give a great gift to our country’.

Thankfully, years later I purged myself off such lies and such people. And Nusrat’s music still lives on in my heart. Here’s to the halka halka suroor I will indulge in tonight. Here’s to Nusrat.

*clink*

Mein Azal Say Banda-E-Ishq Hoon, Mujhe Zohd-O-Kufr Ka Gham Nahin
Mere Sar Ko Dar Tera Mil Gaya, Mujhe Ab Talash-E-Huram Nahin

Main Kehta Reh Gaya Khuta-E-Mohabbat Ki Achi Saza Di
Mere Dil Ki Duniya Buna Kur Mitta Di

Mere Baad Kisko Satao Ge?
Mujhe Kis Tarah Se Mitao Ge?


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