Metal Detectors
Posted: November 8, 2010 Filed under: Personal | Tags: Pakistan, Poetry, Terrorism, Violence 2 Comments »metal detectors
greet me soon as i walk in
beep beep beep
everywhere in pakistan
strange, ugly edifices
to protect some civilians
militants killed, however
elsewhere in pakistan
they ask for my id
and write down my phone number
it helps the war on terror
somewhere in pakistan
they all have the same question
in their eyes
they all want to determine:
am i the terrorist?
Framing Rape Survivors As National Celebrities
Posted: September 16, 2010 Filed under: Political | Tags: Feminism, Media, Rape, Sex, Sexual Harassment, Violence 5 Comments »This was originally published in Viewpoint Online magazine.
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If for no other reason, Parvez Musharraf definitely lost some fans in Pakistan when, bemoaning the negative attention in international media received by the gang-rape of Mukhtaran Mai, he remarked “”if you want to go abroad and get a visa for Canada or citizenship and be a millionaire, get yourself raped.”
He was of course worried that this high profile rape that made Mukhtaran a household name overnight was a bit at odds with his ‘enlightened moderation’ in Pakistan spiel. Wherever and whenever her experience was recounted, be it courtrooms, talk shows, university halls or in presentations in development conferences with feminist agendas, her name became ubiquitously associated with rape and victimisation. No one would be able to recall the names of her rapists who are forever erased from the public memory.
Dr. Shazia Khalid has earned her place in the echelons of public consciousness for similar reasons. She has the second most popular meme associated with women who are rape survivors in Pakistan. She even has her own Wikipedia entry. Her claim to fame? She was raped. The New York Times columnist Nick Kristof wrote repeatedly about it urging readers to lobby for her asylum in Canada. In all the news reports, articles and drawing rooms where her story is recounted, her rapist is identified to allegedly be some army officer. His name, honour and prestige remain unscathed.
Any victory in the court then becomes hollow for a rape survivor who gets picked up by the media to forever be etched in people’s memory through a singular lens. It is her name and not the criminals that becomes public property for discussion, deconstruction and discourse.
More and more evidence suggests that when the mainstream media profiles rape survivors and their cases become public information, it causes complex problems for the family of the survivor. Little heed is paid to the consequences of publicising these cases on the family who by and large would want to leave their name out of it for security, honour and cultural concerns.
This suggests that there may be an increasing disconnect between women who are raped and people who represent them, speak for them, claim to fight for their social justice. These well-intentioned women’s movements, government ministries and evangelical journalists end up not understanding what their beneficiaries really want.
This is not to suggest that rape survivors or their families do not want the help or compensation that can potentially come with the media attention; more often than not, it is their only hope for legal recourse. It would, however, be helpful if the media, civil society and the government highlight the identities of the rapists rather than the victims if the aim is to attain social justice.
Today Mukhtaran Mai and Dr. Shazia are powerful images that become symbolic of violence against women in the third world. They don posters appealing for more aid and serve as examples in feminist discourse, while their complex personal histories get lost in larger rape story. What these representations mean for the survivor and her family versus what it means for the perpetrator of the crime in terms of justice or retribution and rehabilitation, are necessary complications that must be deliberated and problematised.
An Open Letter To George Fulton
Posted: September 3, 2010 Filed under: Political | Tags: Imperialism, Pakistan, Post-Colonialism, Racism, Violence 22 Comments »Written by Arsalan Khan and seconded by me.
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Dear George,
After reading the rejoinder to your original op-ed titled “Don’t act surprised” in the Express Tribune, it has become obvious to me that you are a little confused about why people are incensed by your obvious bigotry. Those that condemned you for being a racist and a bigot were not responding out of a “knee-jerk” or “designer” (whatever that means) patriotism that blinds them to the realities of Pakistan. Nobody doubts that violence has become a pervasive fact in Pakistani life, and we know that there are plenty of people that justify violence under certain circumstances and especially against certain kinds of people. We believe that there is a need to scrutinize the underlying factors that generate such violence and examine why some forms of violence have become defensible for so many people in Pakistan. Unfortunately, your argument has not advanced our search for answers in the least bit. We found your article offensive not because we feel we need to suppress the “truth” from ourselves or hide it from our enemies but because of the way your argument reduced our complex problems to an essential and seemingly inevitable aspect of “our” culture. The rejoinder makes more or less the same point that the original made with only a slight shift in language, but it is even more insulting because it tries to deflect legitimate criticism by portraying critics like myself as people driven by some kind of irrational and emotional patriotism. So, I would like to take this opportunity to provide you as well as your supporters with a basic outline of what we mean when we say your argument is racist. I do so only with the faint that you might refrain from spewing such inane bigotry in the future.
Let’s start with the basics. It is in fact racist to think that violence in a particular society, regardless of how pervasive, is a product of a savage and bloodthirsty “culture,” period. Saying that you did not mean “all” Pakistanis are violent and barbaric does not make it any less racist. The most obvious aspect of racism in your argument is that you have made a sweeping, negatively charged generalization and feel absolutely no need to specify who you are talking about or what it is about their culture that makes them so barbaric and violent. For all we know, the barbarians could be people that are actually engaged in violent activities, or it could mean all 170 million of us because we all share in this culture of barbarism and brutality, or it could mean most of us except the handful that have accepted “enlightened” values like yourself and those that agree with your shallow perspective on Pakistan. It’s really hard to know because you don’t say anything specific about this “culture” of “ours” nor do you provide any evidence except the fact that many people in Pakistan think Maula Jatt, a Punjabi film character, is entertaining. So, here’s the first point about racism. Racists make sweeping, negatively charged generalizations about people that are different from them, rarely being specific about who or what they are talking about, and support their efforts to stigmatize others with nothing more than anecdotal evidence.
Moreover, racist arguments are usually based on some form of circular logic like your claim that Pakistani culture is violent and we should not be surprised when a violent culture manifests itself in violent ways. According to you, the existence of violence proves that we have a violent culture and the fact that we have a violent culture explains the existence of violence. If you can’t see that this is a tautology, then you definitely should not be writing for a public audience. The point is that nothing you say tells us anything about why so much violence (which is not really one thing anyway) exists in Pakistan or what factors motivate such violence. Like most racist arguments, you rely on your audience to fill in this gaping hole with their own negative stereotypes, which fortunately for you many of your readers have in abundance. But, this always runs up against a basic problem, which is that the evidence suggests that most Pakistanis neither engage in violent activities nor condone them. The outpouring of grief across the country over the brutal murder of the young boys in Sialkot suggests that the majority of people in Pakistan are actually shocked and horrified by this incident. They are looking for some way to understand how such tragic events can happen. Shouldn’t this raise doubts about your conclusion that we have a barbaric and blood thirsty culture that revels in violence? It should, but it does not because if Pakistanis don’t live up to your stereotypes then it is not because there is a problem with the stereotype, it is because these Pakistanis must be “the exception” and not the rule. The people celebrating your “brilliance” in the comments section are clamoring to find a place as “the exception” in your world, but this has nothing to do with the strength of your argument. It has to do with the fact that they, like many colonized elites, are more concerned with distancing themselves from their fellow citizens than they are with questioning and critiquing power. So the second feature of racism helps structure your argument: racists systematically ignore the existence of evidence that runs counter to their stereotypes and relegate all evidence that does not conform to these stereotypes to the status of “the exception.”
Now, the reason your critics, the more thoughtful ones at least, were outraged by your article is not a product of some kind of knee-jerk patriotism that makes them blind to Pakistani realities. It is because of how you as a white man of British origins who recently acquired citizenship on a reality tv. show are situated relative to Pakistani society. People that say you should not be commenting on Pakistan because of your foreign origins or the odd manner in which you acquired Pakistani citizenship are missing the point. You have every right to comment on Pakistan. What you do not have a right to do is erase the historical and political realities of this country, realities that have been profoundly shaped by British colonialism and continue to be shaped by an exploitative world system dominated by Western powers like Britain and the United States. This erasure is most conspicuous when you mention the violence of Partition but fail to acknowledge the role of the British in creating the conditions for mass violence in which Muslims were as much victims as they were perpetrators. What is also conspicuously absent is any mention of the unimaginable level of human suffering in Pakistan. This suffering is a product not of some “culture” but of an exploitative, profit driven world system which inflicts a daily toll of violence (structural violence!) on the vast majority of people in the world (ex, poverty, inflation, unemployment, dire working conditions, health disparities, malnutrition, child mortality, ecological degradation etc). This incident in particular, a mob attack on two suspected thieves, should make you at least consider how factors like the break down of our civil and political institutions, unemployment, rising price levels, and host of others might contribute to the making of violence in Pakistan. It takes a very special (racist?) person to engage in such blatant forms of erasure, and this erasure is especially heinous in your case because, well, as someone who has benefited tremendously from the history of British colonialism and our current inequities, you should at least feel some sense of responsibility or at the very least empathy. This brings me to the third feature of racism in your article, which is that racists erase historical and political complexity in order to mask and/or justify their undeserved power and privilege.
The people that have focused their criticism on your foreign origins are simply pointing out that it is easy for you to condemn “our” barbaric culture because you can reasonably claim not to be a part of it. Those whose families have lived her for generations, those that have grown up in this country, and even those of us that have to deal with the stigma of being “Muslim” or “Pakistani” in the West do not have that luxury. Being Pakistani for us is not something we can opt in or out of, not even by acquiring foreign citizenship. Certainly the people who are being targeted by US and NATO bombs for being too Muslim or too Pakistani (barbarians!) do not have that luxury. And, did you forget that those drone attacks are also meant to eliminate violence and barbarism from the world? Anyone with half a brain can see that your use of the pronoun “we” masks some very real differences, and we know that when you talk about “our” barbaric culture, you really mean only those people that were raised to be violent and bloodthirsty, a category that obviously does not include you. Or, did you grow up aspiring to be Maula Jatt too? So, the use of the pronoun “we” actually functions in your piece as a way to deflect charges of racism and bigotry, not as a genuine expression of empathy. You are really talking about a “they” and what is most offensive about this is that “they” necessarily includes some of the people that suffer the most in our society. One has to wonder if the two boys that were brutally murdered in Sialkot or the many children that are registered in American and British newspapers as “collateral damage” are also a product of “our” barbaric culture, or maybe they are “the exception,” who knows. Here we have stumbled upon the fourth distinctive feature of racism, one that follows directly from the erasure of complexity to justify undeserved privilege, which is that racists shift blame away from themselves and place it onto those people who by any normal, non-racist standards would be considered victims.
As for the Pakistanis that are showering you with praise, they actually think a lot like you. They also believe that there is a pervasive culture of barbarism and violence in Pakistan that they neither contribute to nor participate in (after all, they are “the exception”), and like you they don’t really take responsibility for Pakistan’s problems. In their world, it is always someone else that’s the source of the problem (the “uneducated” masses, the mullahs, the pirs, the feudals, and the corrupt politicians). Pakistan’s problems are a product of some culture that lies elsewhere, usually among the poor and weak as opposed to in the halls of power and privilege. Those that took shots at you for being a white man who has been in Pakistan for no more than a few years are not really concerned about the colour of your skin or even your lack of experience in Pakistan. They are angry about the kind of argument you are making, a racist one that blames people for their own plight by systematically erasing the historical and political causes of this plight and making their circumstances seem like a natural, inevitable outgrowth of their “culture.” The fact that such arguments were once made in the service of British colonialism and continue to be made by American and British neocolonialists today should lead you to reflect on your own place in the world. That is, if you truly want to contribute to the cause of justice in your adopted society or in any society for that matter.
It is deeply troubling that instead of taking heed of these criticisms, you have tried to reverse the argument by accusing your critics of being the real racists. So, you have decided to play victim in the very moment that you are excoriating a population of over one hundred million (depending on how wide you cast your net) for being violent and barbaric. This brings us to the last point I want to make about racism. Racists possess a level of moral certainty about themselves and their own place in the world that usually comes from a life of power and privilege. This means that when their bigotry is challenged and exposed, they respond not by rethinking their perspective but by claiming to be the victims of an unfair, irrational assault on their character (Or, as you have put it, playing the man and not the ball!). This often leads them to wrongly believe that a critique of their racial attitude is itself racist and allows them to continue on as if nothing substantial was ever said.
George, I’m sure you are a well meaning person and not someone that imagines himself being a bigot or a racist, but it is precisely the well meaning bigots and racists that seem to do the most damage in the world. As Pakistanis and Muslims, we are subjected to racially motivated attacks emanating from the Western press on a daily basis, and we do not need more of it from people who have been granted a platform in our own media. What we want to see in the news and in opinion pieces are thoughtful and sincere efforts at finding explanations for the violence that threatens to overwhelm us, not simplistic drivel that blames some fictional thing like “our” culture and supports it with a reference to a Punjabi film character. Of course a thoughtful and sincere effort at finding answers requires not only serious intellectual labour but also moral courage because a true search for answers will necessarily implicate you, me, and all of the other privileged people that are reading your articles. You shouldn’t be surprised that so many of these people are willing to celebrate your “brilliance.” It keeps them from actually dealing with reality, and the reality is that we are complicit in this system of violence and much more so than some poor Punjabi farmer who grew up wanting to be Sultan Rahi. So, you are entitled to comment on Pakistan. Whether you are or are not really Pakistani doesn’t concern me. I just ask that the next time you do, you at least make some effort to address the conditions that generate such deplorable forms of violence and suffering rather than reach for the most simplistic and racist explanations for our collective, though very unevenly distributed, plight. Maybe then we can have a constructive conversation and begin to chart a path forward.
Sincerely,
Arsalan Khan
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[Emphasis in this letter is mine alone]
The Violence Within Or How Not To Think About The Sialkot Incident
Posted: August 25, 2010 Filed under: Political | Tags: Haneke, Media, Pakistan, Terrorism, Violence 11 Comments »This post has been originally submitted to Viewpoint magazine.
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Last weekend on a warm, humid Saturday afternoon, a fresh spate of ethnic violence was playing out in Karachi. A man accompanied by an 8-year-old child was driving by Orangi town where an angry mob had to protest killings that had happened the night before. The man stopped his car and asked some of the men standing nearby what the fuss all about. To his utter shock and horror, he was forcefully removed from his car and the mob proceeded to slit his throat. Apparently, the mob was antagonised after realising he was a Pathan just from his Pashtun accented Urdu.
Two major national newspapers buried the incident deep while reporting the overall story of the target killings here and here. One of these newspapers went on to say that the man did not die but was taken to Abbasi Shaheed Hospital. However, one Express 24/7 reporter from Karachi who saw the video with his own eyes tweeted “Just saw the most disgusting footage of a man in Orangi Town who had his throat slit…basically because he was Pathan.” When the journalist present there insisted he be taken to a hospital, the man was only put in the ambulance under the condition that he would be taken to Abbasi Shaheed Hospital, a hospital particularly far away from Orangi Town. The Pashtun man did, in fact, die. The 8-year-old child accompanying him has been missing since.
On the same weekend, several hundred miles north of Karachi, two brothers aged 16 and 18, were beaten to death with sticks by a livid, bloodthirsty mob in Sialkot. This mob, not satisfied even after the teenagers had died a brutal, horrific death, proceeded to hang their bodies on poles for public display. The police stood around nearby, not too keen on getting involved in what was clearly vigilante justice. The brothers, however, were not really guilty of any crime; the motivation behind their cold-blooded murder still ambiguous and unverified.
Someone recorded the brazen attack with their mobile phone and the video went viral. TV channels played the video on loop and opinion writers in national dailies were waxing lyrical about how exasperated and disappointed they were. There was a national outcry on the sadistic nature of Sialkotis by people who were flabbergasted that this happened in Ramzan, the blessed Islamic month for fasting and praying, or that it happened while the whole country was devastated from the worst natural disasters in its history. People were incensed, and understandably so.
Some people like George Fulton feel this incident occurred because “We are, and have always been, a barbaric, degenerate nation reveling in bloodlust.” Keeping in mind that he has only lived in Pakistan for some years, his benevolent racism and obvious Orientalist attitude towards a country he has come to call home, is nefarious but unsurprising. Many Pakistanis, in fact, believe in essentialist notions that suggest that barbarism, terrorism, uncivilized behaviour is a product of Pakistan’s culture and history. One has to have a perfunctory glance at European colonial history, a region where this author hails from, or read up a summary of how the West fights its wars all over the world, to realize, to know that this is simply not true. Violence is something we share as humans; it is deeply embedded in our anthropology. To assign it as representative of any one culture is a cop-out, not to mention outstandingly racist.
This is not a comment on selective media reporting of two possibly equally repulsive incidents in different parts of Pakistan. This is not a tirade against the intellectually lazy moral outrage of well-intentioned folks everywhere, either. This is, however, the result of a state that has failed to protect its citizens from violent atrocities that are not necessarily unique to Pakistani culture. This is also a failure on our part to think about it in a nuanced way giving it the complexity it demands.
A state’s police and law enforcement agencies are supposed to be the foremost line of defense against any threat to its civilians. In Pakistan, a place riddled with economic strife and currently hampered by catastrophic floods that no state could have efficiently coped with, the police infrastructure is one of Pakistan’s most poorly managed organisations. A Belfer Center Institute of Social Policy and Understanding report describes Pakistan’s police department as “ill-equipped, poorly trained, deeply politicized, and chronically corrupt.”
Within this context, it is not unexpected if police officers do not get involved in a crazed mob when they are either outnumbered or fear the political backlash will affect their position and/or earnings. This does not mean the police officers were particularly wretched members of the human race who derive orgasmic pleasure out of participating in violence. It is, however, telling of the complexities of being a working class Pakistani with little to no power over the decisions one has to end up taking. This isn’t to say that police officers are relieved of the duty they have to perform just because they may not be able to influence how the decisions play out, but it is important to recognize that it is never such a black and white narrative of good people condemning crimes of evil people.
An excessive exposure to violence in an almost pornographic manner on TV has several affects on a society, most of which can perpetuate it. Moreover, we do not get to see how the violence plays out on ground in the war that we have come to allow on our own people. We do not even visually experience how our own State colludes to slaughter its dissenters whilst courageous soldiers stand witness in groups. Therefore, we end up analysing horrific crimes as isolated acts by barbaric savages who cannot be one of us. One has to wonder if reactions would be similar if there were videos on national television showing how army murders a people or how drones sear flesh of women and children.
“Each of us is capable of anything. It just takes being in the right situation” – Michael Haneke, filmmaker.